Tag Archives: Nova Scotia

Fall Back Up with Don Bureaux

SHOW NOTES:

On this episode I’m delighted to sit down with the President of the Nova Scotia Community College (NSCC), Don Bureaux

As President of NSCC, Don Bureaux serves as the chief executive officer for the operation of 13 campuses, with over 120 programs, and approximately 24,000 students and 2,000 staff.

don convocationDon Bureaux has been president of NSCC since 2011 but his commitment to adult education spans over two decades working with adult learners at colleges and universities as well as professional designation granting organizations across Canada and internationally.

At NSCC, he works to bring the college’s vision – transforming Nova Scotia one learner at a time – to life.

Don holds a certificate in Adult Education and a Bachelor of Business Administration from Acadia University and an MBA from Heriot-Watt University in Scotland. He’s Chartered Professional Accountant, Certified General Accountant and holds an international designation as a Certified Business Counsellor through the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC).

He’s been granted his Fellow Chartered Professional Accountant (FCPA) designation by CPA Canada and his Fellow Certified General Accountant (FCGA) designation.

In 2015, 2016, and 2017 Don was named one of the Top 50 CEOs by Atlantic Business Magazine and serves on the boards of many not-for-profit organizations in Nova Scotia.

I dropped into visit Don in his office at the Leeds Street campus of the NSCC in North End Halifax

During our conversation he references a book Road to Character by David Brooks. Click for the link and below, you’ll find a link to a YouTube video of a Ted Talk on one of his principle areas of discussion, the difference between resume virtues and eulogy virtues.

Don and I began by talking about his childhood…

To listen to the podcast click here

To watch the Ted Talk with David Brooks, click here

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What if the results of the Nova Scotia election were declared unconstitutional?

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This was a question some of us were mulling over on election night.

The ambitious and dedicated folks at community radio station CIOE in Lower Sackville asked me to moderate their coverage on election night with a panel comprised of broadcasting legend Al Hollingsworth, former NDP MLA Michele Raymond and former Nova Scotia finance minister and Senator Bernie Boudreau.

Bernie and I share a common failure. We ran in the 2000 federal election in Dartmouth. We both lost. Actually, former Buchanan era cabinet minister and now Senator, Tom McInnes was in the race too, so I was in pretty good company when we all failed to unseat incumbent NDP MP Wendy Lill. (I should point out, my ill-informed run failed much more miserably than the PC and Liberal candidates, mind you Bernie gave up his Senate seat to run, but I digress)

In advance of the provincial election night program in May, I asked Bernie if he would mind having a quick peek at the Reference of the Nova Scotia Court of Appeal regarding the Final Report of the Electoral Boundaries Commission (EBC). We all felt it was an important issue, but it wasn’t getting much media attention.

The Honourable Justices Fichaud, Saunders, Oland, Bryson and Bourgeois were asked to provide opinion on the following; Does Section 1 of Chapter 61 of the Acts of Nova Scotia 2012, by which provisions the recommendations tendered by the EBC by its Final Report to the House of Assembly were enacted, violate Section 3 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms by abolishing the electoral districts of Clare, Argyle, and Richmond?

The Court’s answer in late January? Yes.

Now I’m not a lawyer, but Bernie is and his opinion on this, which he freely shared on the radio, is the province could be in some pretty thick soup. If the EBC violated the Charter, does this mean the electoral boundaries are unconstitutional as the Acadian Federation asserts? How many? If the boundaries were illegal during an election, does this mean the result of the election is illegal? What would that mean?

Earlier in the spring, the Acadian Federation’s executive director Marie-Claude Rioux said, “I don’t think it is in the government’s best interest to call an election before this issue is resolved. It opens a whole Pandora’s box, and I don’t think the government wants to go there.” Well, they did.

So, the implication of this seems, at least on the surface, pretty serious and requiring some delicate unwinding.

The Liberals essentially said, our lawyers see it differently and the Premier can call an election whenever he wants. However, the loss of former Minister of Acadian Affairs Michel Samson’s seat in Richmond adds another layer of intrigue, as Samson was widely seen as one of Stephen McNeil’s senior lieutenants, and his loss in the election can be attributed, at least in part, to the redrawing of the boundaries.

Cape Breton Richmond

Progressive Conservative Alana Paon beat Samson in Cape Breton-Richmond by just 20 votes. In 2013, Samson got 50 per cent of the vote. Prior to the election, Tory Leader Jamie Baillie said the legitimacy of an election would be in question if the government doesn’t pay attention to the Acadian Federation. They picked up the Richmond seat, so what are they saying now?

The issue is apparently going to be resolved one way or another later this year, but it could make for some very interesting political posturing.

Fall Back Up with Rear Admiral John Newton

On this episode, the Commander of Maritime Forces Atlantic and Joint Task Force Atlantic, Rear-Admiral John Newton
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Rear-Admiral Newton began his career in the Navy in 1983, after trying his hand as a geologist out west.

He completed tours with the destroyer HMCS Iroquois, HMCS Preserver, and HMCS Montreal gaining a specialty in Canadian maritime sovereignty through countless fishery patrols and three Arctic sovereignty missions.
In 2000, he completed a year of Joint military studies at the Command and Staff College Toronto, followed by advanced military studies in 2004.

Rear-Admiral Newton has deployed on NATO missions of the Cold War, and UN peace support operations, including the Gulf War in 1991, Haiti in 1993, and the maritime embargo of the former Yugoslavia in 1995. He also served at National Defence Headquarters in Ottawa as Director of International Plans in the Strategic Joint Staff.

Beyond professional duties, Rear-Admiral Newton focuses strongly on his family, strives to maintain a balanced work-home life in his home in Lunenburg. I dropped in to visit the Rear Admiral Newton at his office at the Navy Shipyard on Halifax Harbour…

Click here or on picture to listen

Fall Back Up

In 1997 Brian Titus was in the navy working as a diver in Halifax…but he had a passion for making beer. At the time, the craft brew market hadn’t washed up on the east coast and he saw an opportunity.

Over the last 20 years, Garrison, along with Halifax’s other well established brand Propeller, settled as two of Nova Scotia’s best known craft beer operations.

However, in the last few years, the craft brewing industry has exploded around the world and other new Nova Scotia brands and brewery operations seemingly come on stream every month.

BRIAN-HS-2For Brian Titus, it’s been a pretty amazing ride and Garrison continues to grow, trying to compete with new entries into the market and a shifting landscape.

I dropped into Garrison Breweries at their headquarters located in a part of Halifax’s original immigration annex on the waterfront, next door to the Seaport Market. Brian and I grabbed a Spruce beer and settled in for a conversation as a couple of folks nearby worked on a collaborative brew…

What the parties are saying about small business in the Nova Scotia election

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As an advocate for small business, job one is getting issues in front of politicians. Prior to this election, the Canadian Federation of Independent Business (CFIB) presented each of the parties in the Nova Scotia election a small business “platform’ outlining key areas our 5,200 members in Nova Scotia have identified as priorities.

We sent out a survey to the leaders and they responded. While it wouldn’t be appropriate for CFIB to endorse any of the party’s positions during a campaign, it seems clear each of them understand the importance small- and medium-size business plays in the economy. It’s also clear their approaches differ, sometimes dramatically.

The areas we focused on in the creation of the platform were tax relief, regulatory reform (or “red tape” reduction), spending restraint and support for SME innovation activities to increase productivity and competitiveness.

You can find our platform here, the survey for the leaders here and the responses we received on these issues from the parties, by clicking on their logos.

Atlantica  Green Party of NS nslplogo NDP  Progressive_Conservative_Party_of_Nova_Scotia_2016

If you operate a business in Nova Scotia and are still considering your vote in this final weekend, it might be worthwhile to have a quick look at these documents. You can glean from them the importance each of the parties place on the issues we presented.

CFIB establishes its advocacy agenda based on responses to the many surveys we do of our membership to ensure we are focusing on the priorities that are important to small business. It’s our hope that any government elected on Tuesday, will do the same.

The future of our region depends on the prosperity of our small- and medium-sized businesses. We are not only the engine that drives the economy but are also the first to be impacted by bad government policy. I would encourage you to take few moments and have a look at where each of these parties intends to focus should they be given the opportunity to govern.

Fall Back Up

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This week on Fall Back Up, I have two podcasts for you to enjoy with two exceptional people.

The intent of this podcast is to is to provide you with engaging and thoughtful insights into Atlantic Canada through conversations with business leaders, innovators and high performers.

First up this week, one of Atlantic Canada’s digital pioneers. Back in the early 90’s Malcolm Fraser saw a business opportunity in this thing called the Internet. Over the years he built Internet Solutions Limited (ISL) into one of Atlantic Canada’s largest web marketing and development companies, but as you’ll hear, it wasn’t without some bumps in the road.

MalcolmIMG_2060-1000x464-1401900483He is an active member of the business community and has been recognized as one of Atlantic Canada’s Top 50 CEOs and is now the Vice President and Managing Director, Halifax at FCV Interactive.

In this episode we have a wide ranging conversation about the early days of the Internet, what business needs to know about adapting to new digital marketing environments, and what’s really going on in the background while you’re scrolling through social media.

The second episode is with Dr. Jeremy Koenig, a fascinating guy who I first met when I was looking to get in shape to run the Bluenose Marathon in 2012. While I never became marathon man, he did manage to whip my 50 year old carcass into the best shape it had been in for 30 years.

Jeremy is a geneticist and athlete. He got his PhD in biochemistry and molecular biologyJeremy_New specializing in genetics. As he tells it, he ran track because it fed his need to train.

After teaching nutrigenomics at Mount St. Vincent University and training high-performance athletes, in 2014, he launched Athletigen in cooperation with the high tech incubation hub Volta Labs. Athletigen uses proprietary software which looks at an athlete’s DNA to uncover data about strengths, weaknesses and ideal diets.

In another wide ranging conversation, we talk about how he landed in Halifax, how DNA analysis could be a game changer in personal health care and thoughts on success and failure.

If you have any feedback, comments, or suggestions, please be sure to leave a quick note on the comments section of my site.

To access the podcasts, there are a few options here. You can click on the pictures above, take this link to my PodBean site and you also can now also find Fall Back Up on  Stitcher or  iTunes.  The Soundcloud versions are below. I’m testing to see what works best so let me know if you have a preference of platform.

Have a great weekend.

 

Nova Scotia’s pre election budget: anger and gratitude

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Nova Scotia Finance Minister Randy DeLorey looks on as Premier Stephen McNeil speaks in Nova Scotia Legislature 

Premier Stephen McNeil must be listening to Tony Robbins. One of the tenets of the motivational speaker’s philosophy is it’s impossible to be angry and grateful at the same time. McNeil’s recent budget leverages the idea in spades.

CFIB members have been lobbying for tax relief over the last four years. Finance Minister Randy DeLorey delivered one of our key asks, to raise the small business tax threshold from $350,000 to $500,000, giving small business owners the capacity to retain more money in their business to innovate and create employment. Check that box.

Additionally, we’ve been adamant about providing some relief on personal income taxes, especially so lower-income earners can keep more of their earnings.

By raising the basic personal exemption by up to $3,000 for those earning less than $75,000, many low-and-middle-income earners in the province will see more of their paycheck, a much preferable mechanism than raising the minimum wage.

As we’ve argued for years, as a poverty-reduction measure, minimum wage is ineffective because government becomes the principal beneficiary through higher taxes. With this adjustment to the basic personal exemption, thousands more lower-income Nova Scotians will pay no provincial tax at all.

Another positive benefit of the budget for small business owners is the provincial government’s measurable commitment to reduce red tape. This is a principal file for CFIB. We have been supportive of the efforts of this government to put in place the structures to begin reducing unnecessary regulatory burden. Nailing down a target of $25 million in cost to business is the right thing to do.

CFIB members will be grateful for these improvements, which may temper taxpayer anger heading into the predicted provincial election. While these measures are sensible, and should be commended, there is still much work to be done on tax reform to put Nova Scotia in a competitive position.

We remain concerned, however, about the propensity of government to create boutique programs to benefit specific sectors. While there are programs geared toward small business growth in areas such as export and innovation, historically the programs go largely unnoticed or unused.

Leaving more money in the hands of small business owners to reinvest, without forcing them through the rigours of bureaucratic process to access benefits is a far more efficient and desirable approach.

Preparing for an election, it’s not hard to see why this government has chosen the former option. It provides more control over who will be the principal beneficiaries and constituencies. That is a simple political calculation.

Many small business owners remain frustrated by high taxes and governments that seem out of touch or ambivalent to their needs. This is a good start, but it’s only a start.

It has been a very long time since the people in Nova Scotia have seen any meaningful tax relief at all. A morsel can seem like a feast for the starving. Now that the math is done in the Department of Finance, it will, presumably, be put to the people of Nova Scotia to determine if they are indeed grateful or angry.

This post originally appeared in the Chronicle Herald, April 29, 2017 on day prior to the call of the 2017 provincial election.

Cap and Trade for Nova Scotia Still Fuzzy for Small Business

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The Nova Scotia government’s decision to go it alone with cap-and-trade to put a price on carbon raises more questions than answers.

This spring, government released a discussion paper, looking for feedback. They gave less than a month for responses and you needed a degree in environmental science to make any sense of what was being asked.

At an information session, executive director Jason Hollett of the climate change unit tried valiantly to outline a coherent picture, but he was working within an unreasonably tight timeline and without all the tools. In spite of a commendable effort, many left the session scratching their heads. Under questioning, somewhat ominously, he referred to the scheme as “a big regulatory beast.”

Without much heavy industry, Nova Scotia has few large greenhouse gas (GHG) emitters. Our coal-burning generating stations are pumping out the lion’s share (44 per cent). The transportation industry creates 27 per cent, followed by commercial and residential heat (combined 13 per cent) and the oil and gas industry (five per cent). The remainder comes from waste, agriculture and other industry.

For years, Nova Scotians have been paying through the nose to achieve GHG reductions through transition to renewable electricity generation and efficiency. We can pat ourselves on the back. After coughing up the highest power rates in the country over the last 10 years, our renewable portfolio has grown from seven to 27 per cent, exceeding our reduction targets.

Apparently unsatisfied with this progress, the Trudeau government, riding its mandate to legislate away climatic catastrophe, told Nova Scotia to put a price on carbon by 2018 or we’ll do it for you. The McNeil government initially balked, then came up with what it felt was the best option, a go-it-alone cap-and trade-system.

Using cap and trade, the premier successfully avoided the “carbon tax” narrative, opting instead for what appears to be a more saleable version.

The proposed Nova Scotia cap-and-trade model is fairly simple, but its administration is expected to be complex and therefore, presumably, costly.

Government will cap the amount of GHGs emitted into the atmosphere, hand out free credits for that tonnage to this handful of larger polluters and they can trade among themselves. When someone needs more, they can buy in this tiny market of emitters. How that will affect price is unclear.

A central tenet of carbon pricing is revenue neutrality. But with this plan, at least for now, there is no clarity in respect to dollars changing hands or how it will affect the price of electricity or fuel. Other questions: Will the incentive to be greener simply be higher energy and transportation costs? What would be the offset?

Moving ahead without the required evidence in respect to cost and competitiveness will frustrate business owners. In spite of a stated intention by government to measure and cost all regulation prior to application, none of these calculations are yet available.

While public servants are trying to align regulations between provinces to break down trade barriers, Nova Scotia’s approach (in spite of the premier’s openness to having the other Atlantic provinces jump on board) could result in two, three or four carbon pricing schemes in the region.

cap and trade chart

CFIB members support environmental initiatives. Seventy-nine per cent believe it is possible to grow the economy and protect the environment at the same time. But 80 per cent say government must consider the cost to small business before implementing a mechanism to price carbon. That means measuring and communicating real economic costs and environmental benefits and establishing a reasonable window for consultation and implementation.

In light of the work by this government to improve the regulatory environment, introduction of a “regulatory beast” feels counter-intuitive and environmental and economic impacts are still fuzzy. For something of this size and importance to be a cost of doing business in Nova Scotia, we need clarity.

This originally appeared in the Chronicle Herald, April 26, 2017

Nova Scotia business needs clarity from Minister on any new recycling fees

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25 years ago, Swedish academic and environmental economist Thomas Lindhqvist coined the term “Extended Producer Responsibility” (EPR). The concept is fairly simple; shift the responsibility and cost for disposal and recycling of products from the general tax base onto producers. Initially, the concept was applied to automobiles, large appliances and electronics. In the simplest of terms, the thinking is, producers will change the design of their products to ensure they are more effectively recycled, creating less waste destined for landfills or other environmentally degrading destinations.

Under the EPR law, brand owners must take responsibility for the complete life cycle of their product from inception to disposal. Driven by the polluter-pays principle, EPR has provided the foundation for new administrative, informative or economic policy instruments being developed or already implemented in other countries and by provincial and municipal governments across Canada.

Nova Scotia was drawn into the EPR discussion after the signing of a memorandum of agreement in 2010 by provincial environment ministers. The plan was to have EPR in place in all 10 provinces by the fall of 2015. Quebec, British Columbia, Manitoba, Ontario and Saskatchewan have already implemented EPR but none of the Atlantic Provinces have rolled out their programs … yet.

Over the past couple of years, the Environment Department has been gathering information on how to adopt such a scheme in Nova Scotia. To date, no clear plan has emerged, however the Minister of the Environment, Andrew Younger has taken pains to say it’s coming, but not before better consultation and some form of economic impact analysis has been completed. None has yet been done.

The results of the previous EPR consultations were of concern, as CFIB felt they didn’t adequately represent the views of small business. So, this July, CFIB surveyed its members on the issue, based upon “the British Columbia model” that was deemed “best practice” by the department. The results stated 82 per cent of small business owners were not aware of a new EPR program, 99 per cent said they had not been consulted and 70 per cent said that they were not supportive of the ideas we presented from the BC Model. Interestingly, on October 23rd, at a meeting of the Union of Nova Scotia Municipalities, Minister Younger told municipal representatives when and if they move ahead with EPR, Nova Scotia’s program will look like the BC’s, which is not particularly comforting.

He also floated a couple of trial balloons about exemptions including a “one or two million” dollar “de minimus” (the revenue line under which business would not be captured by regulation), the single retail point exemption and the 1 tonne of paper or packaging threshold. None of these ideas had been brought up before the UNSM meeting. Prior to the Minister running these up the flagpole, the Department’s regulatory framework was working on the premise that everything and everybody would have been captured.

When these exemptions were applied in BC, it reduced the number of affected businesses under their EPR system from upwards of 80,000 to just about 3,000. If the Nova Scotia government is going to apply the same standards, it too will have to look at what is the acceptable casualty rate among small businesses.

So, why are we making such a fuss? In a portion of the EPR policy that deals with printed paper and packaging, producers or first importers are expected to weigh, measure, record and forecast all of the packaging they sell in their business. If a small business receives goods from outside Nova Scotia, it could be deemed the first importer of goods in Nova Scotia. Let’s take for example a small independent pharmacy, perhaps part of a small group of small town pharmacies operated by one owner. With annual revenue above 1 million dollars, 3 locations and “producing” more than 1 tonne of paper and packaging, this business would not be exempt from the EPR law as Minister Younger has envisioned it.

Next time you drop in for a prescription, have a look at the shelves and imagine categorizing all the packaging, measuring it, reporting it and paying a fee to have it recycled. When that’s done, wait for an end of year compliance report and hope that your forecast was accurate so you won’t be fined. Oh, and all of this will be handled by a third party “stewardship” body which is unaccountable to government. It’s not hard to start seeing how the regulatory burden, compliance and cost might become worrisome.

If a small town in rural Atlantic Canada wants a pharmacy under EPR, it might just end up looking like the bulk barn.

Bulk Barn

This new scheme would be piled on top of taxes businesses already pay for the disposal and recycling of materials now being handled through municipal waste management programs. Retailers and franchisees are being hardest hit with EPR, as many of these smaller firms have little or no control over the materials generated. Market forces or franchise agreements don’t allow for arbitrary price increases to offset these additional costs.

Nova Scotia is already dealing with some of the highest cumulative business and personal tax rates in the country. Adding more fees and red tape is certain to harm employment and economic growth and put inflationary pressure on consumer goods. The question must be asked, what problem is government trying to solve?

Currently, Nova Scotia leads the country in waste diversion and recycling. Attitudes are mixed on what EPR is even meant to achieve. Is it to increase the recyclability of products? Promote recycling? Reduce toxic substances? Or is it to simply shift the financial burden of recycling from municipalities to “producers”? It is worth noting the Minister is pleased with the recycling progress in Nova Scotia, but he adds, it’s very expensive. Nova Scotia pays an average of $657 per tonne to recycle, more than double what New Brunswick pays. (New Brunswick is watching Nova Scotia carefully to see how their program unfolds and there are those who speculate a similar scheme is probably not far behind in that province.)

Even if we accept the solution is to shift the burden of recycling over to industry, one also has to understand that small- and medium-size businesses downstream from manufacturers caught in this regulatory maze will be punished for something they have little or no control over. For that matter, at this point, it isn’t even particularly clear who qualifies as a producer. Is it the importer, the manufacturer or the retailer?

From the perspective of some municipalities, this is could be a gift from above. With accumulating fiscal pressure, having the responsibility of waste management paid for by business is a release valve. For others, having recycling taken away from them may remove an important source of revenue. One thing is certain, if the government is foolish enough to force further costs of recycling onto small businesses, consideration absolutely must be given on the taxation side of the ledger. Surely municipalities could not expect small business to simply pick up the tab for waste management and not provide commensurate tax relief.

Until the provincial government can provide more clarity on the direction it wishes to take on EPR, CFIB will continue to be wary of plans the Environment Minister is pushing. We look forward to assisting small- and medium-size business stay out of the way of the EPR trawler by providing input to government through their next consultation phase.

As we are also working with other partners in the Atlantic Red Tape Reduction Partnership we remain adamant Atlantic Canada cannot afford to be walking blindly into a new set of punitive regulations and costs for small business, especially in the current economic environment.

Ray Ivany and the Cold Hard Truth About Our Culture of… Whaaa?

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In March of 2002 Stephen Harper set off a firestorm of criticism after being quoted in the Saint John Telegraph Journal. When asked about the economic performance of the region, he responded by saying, “I think in Atlantic Canada, because of what happened in the decades following Confederation, there is a culture of defeat that we have to overcome. …Atlantic Canada’s culture of defeat will be hard to overcome as long as Atlantic Canada is actually physically trailing the rest of the country.”

The headline writer didn’t have to dig to deep to find gold. His political opponents of the day didn’t have to work to hard to extrapolate all the verbal batons with which to beat him over the head. I still believe had Mr. Harper not framed it just so, the federal political landscape might look a lot less Liberal and NDP is this neck of the woods. I knew as soon as I read that he said it there would be a significant personal political price he would pay in Atlantic Canada. There was.

Fortunately, Ray Ivany and his panel on Nova Scotia’s economic recovery aren’t worried about getting elected. If any politician had stood up and spoke as frankly as Ivany did yesterday, political opponents would be falling over themselves to discount the formidable truth of what was said. It was true 12 years ago. It’s still true today.

The panel’s findings are nothing new. Collectively we all realized or at least suspected the key points. People who are paying attention have known it for a long time. The Herald editorial call it a “unvarnished, awkward and often unflattering truth— about our collective selves.”

Essentially, the report says we have developed a culture of “No”. Call it what you will but Harper’s 2002 interpretations ain’t far off. We can argue about policies going back to Confederation that have entrenched this attitude but there is no denying it exists…in Now or Never, An Urgent Call to Action for Nova Scotians,  Ivany’s panel affirmed this in spades.

Among other points, it’s made clear we depend too heavily on government interventionism. Ivany takes pains to point out some new program or policy tweak is not going to turn this around.

Evidence of this may no clearer than our response to the shipbuilding procurement strategy. There is no denying that injecting 30 billion dollars into a local economy will have an impact…but let’s see it for what it is. It’s primarily federal public money backed up by provincial public money going into DND, another publicly funded entity. It’s redistribution not wealth creation.

Is this simply going to become another government teat on which we will become dependent or do we actually believe it will transmogrify into private sector wealth creation and development? To do that we had better understand that it’s through the private sector we will make that happen through export development and market expansion of defense technology. I can already hear the naysayers.

Government also has to look at its relationship to business and figure out how to get the hell out of the way. Our tax and regulatory load in this province is debilitating. All the payroll tax credits and government “incentives” in the world won’t alleviate the outright punitive measures that are in place to set up shop and run a business in Nova Scotia. Can you say the highest Workman’s Comp rates, convoluted apprenticeship regulations, the First Contract Arbitration legislation…? I could go on for days. While we’ve seen some nominal reduction of regulatory burden recently, it’s not nearly enough.

On my radio program I tried on many occasions to talk about immigration. From most of the calls I received, we don’t much like folks “from away”. This is bad. Very bad.

Ivany’s report talks about our demographic decline. We have a rapidly aging workforce and shocking levels of out-migration. These alarm bells have been ringing for a dozen years.

It’s not good enough to just tolerate higher levels of immigration, as a culture we must be embracing the benefits of immigration and promoting Nova Scotia as a place that wants and welcomes immigrants. The provincial government may not be able to solve this problems on its own, but having the highest personal, business and consumption taxes in the country doesn’t exactly say “céad míle fáilte”.

Perhaps the most refreshing component of yesterday’s illuminations was Ivany’s insistence that this was a message for the people of the province, not simply a message for government. While I accept his point, government however is how we collectively make decisions and it is, or ideally should be, a reflection of our collective will. Let’s hope government listens and embraces these ideas.

Ivany usefully called for long-term targets be legislated and that the legislation be enforced. I would take this a step further and demand short, medium and long-term targets be legislated and rigorous metrics be transparently applied to ensure governments are meeting those goals and reporting back to the public.

It’s true we may not be capable of running government like business but we can sure as hell take a few cues from successful enterprise and apply it to public policy.

Ivany’s comment about Nova Scotia taking a long hard collective look in the mirror is a great one. Often when criticism comes from outside, as Maritimers, we are too quick to become defensive. Ivany has said we need to take an honest look at ourselves, reset our attitudes and get on with the work of turning our beloved province around.

I guess it just must be said by someone who isn’t “from away.”